The Invisible Revolution

Why the Western media doesn't want you to see Iran's uprising

You keep asking why the Western media are not reporting on Iran. It’s consistent; a continuation of previous behavior. They didn’t report on Iran during the revolution either, other than to insist that it was a good thing, and that the Iranians loved it, while ignoring the fact that thousands of Iranians were lining up at the American embassy attempting to flee the country as the Ayatollahs took over. (Which was a very embarrassing scene for Khomeini who would quickly saw to it by invading the embassy, taking 66 hostages in a two year saga).

To report on the uprising now is conflicting because the media of the West was complicit in the Ayatollah’s overthrowing of the Shah in 1979. They drank the Ayatollah’s propagandist Kool aid, and did not investigate further. After all the students of Iran had all been duped by the Ayatollah, and turned against the Shah, so the Western media stupidly listened to the universities and the elite (is that deja-vu you’re feeling?).

Iranians had yet to lose their voices when the Western media already disappeared the dissenters. Why would they start to report the facts now after 46 years of disastrous consequences?

I stumbled upon this jaw-dropping New York Times piece from February 16, 1979 tonight. Read it. Titled: “Trusting Khomeini”. I have marked in bold the parts that made me gasp.

PRINCETON, N.J. — Part of the confusion in America about Iran’s social revolution involves Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. More even than any third‐world leader, he has been depicted in a manner calculated to frighten.

President Carter and Zbigniew Brzezinski have until very recently associated him with religious fanaticism. The news media have defamed him in many ways, associating him with efforts to turn the clock back 1,300 years, with virulent anti‐Semitism, and with a new political disorder, “theocratic fascism,” about to be set loose on the world. About the best he has fared has been to be called (by Newsweek) “Iran’s Mystery Man.”

The historical record of revolutionary zeal’s degenerating into excess is such as to temper enthusiasm about Iran’s future. Nevertheless, there are hopeful signs, including the character and role of Ayatollah Khomeini.

An early test of his prospects is being posed by the outbreaks of violence in Tehran and elsewhere in the country. Some chaos at this stage of the revolutionary conflict was virtually inevitable, given the cleavages and climate of intensity in Iran. It is uncertain that Ayatollah Khomeini can control the extreme left or even those segments of his own followers who bear arms. What happens in the next few days is likely to determine both whether the movement’s largely nonviolent record will be spoiled further and whether a new political order can be successfully brought into existence.

In recent months, before his triumphant return to Tehran, the Ayatollah gave numerous reassurances to non-Moslem communities in Iran. He told Jewish‐community leaders that it would be a tragedy if many of the 80,000 Jews left the country. Of course, this view is qualified by his hostility to Israel because of its support of the Shah and its failure to resolve the Palestinian question.

He has also indicated that the nonreligious left will be free to express its views in an Islamic republic and to participate in political life, provided only that it does not “commit treason against the country” by establishing foreign connections — a lightly‐veiled reference to anxiety about Soviet interference. What the left does in coming days will likely indicate whether it will be seen as treasonous.

To suppose that Ayatollah Khomeini is dissembling seems almost beyond belief. His political style is to express his real views defiantly and without apology, regardless of consequences. He has little incentive suddenly to become devious for the sake of American public opinion. Thus, the depiction of him as fanatical, reactionary and the bearer of crude prejudices seems certainly and happily false. What is also encouraging is that his entourage of close advisers is uniformly composed of moderate, progressive individuals. For another thing, the key appointees to the provisional Government include Mehdi Bazargan, the Prime Minister, Karim Sanjabi, leader of the National Front political federation, and Daryoush Farouhar, deputy leader of the National Front; they are widely respected in Iran but side religious circles, share a notable record of concern for human rights and seem eager to achieve economic development that results in a modern society oriented on satisfying the whole population’s basic needs.

In the political background, of course; is a strong, active sense of deference to the views and judgment of Ayatollah Khomeini. This is not a matter of coercion, or even agreement, but of the special character of the movement. It is inconceivable, for instance, for someone as devout as Mr. Bazargan to govern without manifesting, naturally and without any compulsion, acute sensitivity to the values of Shiite Islam. including responsiveness to Ayatollah Khomeini’s views. Yet, as every religious leader is quick to underscore, the Shiite tradition is flexible in its approach to the Koran and evolves interpretations that correspond to the changing needs and experience of the people. What is distinctive, perhaps, about this religious orientation is its concern with resisting oppression and promoting social justice.

As if to contrast its vision with that of the Shah’s rule, Ayatollah Khomeini said recently, in France, that in any well‐governed society “the ruler does not live very differently from the ordinary person.” For him, to be religious Is to struggle for these political goals, yet the religious leader’s role is to inspire politics, not to govern. Hence, it is widely expected that he will soon go to the holy city of Qum, at a remove from the daily exercise of power. There he will function as a guide or, if necessary, as a critic of the republic.

In looking to the future, Ayatollah Khomeini has spoken of his hopes to show the world what a genuine Islamic government can do on behalf of its people. He has made clear frequently that he scorns what he considers to be the so‐called Islamic Governments in Saudi Arabia, Libya and Pakistan. Despite the turbulence, many nonreligious Iranians talk of this period as “Islam’s finest hour.” Having created a new model of popular revolution based, for the most part, on nonviolent tactics, Iran may yet provide us with a desperately‐needed model of humane governance for a third‐world country. If this is true, then indeed the exotic Ayatollah may yet convince the world that “politics is the opiate of the people.”

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Blimey. Is this 2026 or 1979? Can you say Zohran Kwame Mamdani? Remember when I was writing about how the Islamofascists of the 1940s took the baton from Hitler, and played the long game? They’re still playing it. The rules haven’t changed. It’s just the medium looks slightly - but not at all that much - different.

Speaking of mediums, here are some of the images that the mainstream media are refusing to show you.

Here is an elderly woman in Borujerd with her hair showing. “I’m not afraid,” she says. “I’ve been dead for 47 years.”

Three cities have now been captured by the Iranian people.

They burned down the statue of Ghassem Soleimani in Kashan. They knocked down the Supreme Leader’s image in Ilam. And they tore down the national flag in Iran’s second city Mashhad. These are acts punishable by death. If you want to see a video that looks like revolution, this is the one:

The uprising has now captured the city of Karaj, a satellite city, and the biggest so far to outrun the IRGC. Here it is, an industrial center west of Tehran.

Rebels in Kuchenar have been seen tearing down the statue of the late IRGC chief terrorist Qasem Soleimani, assassinated by Trump in 2020.

The people of Iran are wielding a stunning, inspiring, and potentially seismic uprising. Despite it being the biggest thing that could happen other than say an invasion of aliens, it is still receiving next to little attention by major journalists. More fool them. This could be one of the stories of the century so far. The defiance of Iran’s determined men and women is mesmerizing.

When I was blacklisted in 2020 during the BLM movement's tinderbox moment – the moment the leftists captured many of the moderate Democrats in America, and former liberals of the West – I could never have anticipated how much sense it would make today.

Yes I was blacklisted for not conforming to group-think, for being a proud Jew, for recognizing and rejecting antizionism - a racist and violent hate movement that reduces Jewish people to stateless, powerless, second class citizens. Yes I was blacklisted because I refuse to let Israel be blamed for society's problems. But it's more than that. I was blacklisted because "culture" was being hijacked by leftists and Islamists, feigning to be liberal humanitarians.

Just like "culture" was hijacked before the Islamic revolution in Iran in 1979. "Culture" was positioned against itself. We have witnessed a hijacking of pop stars, models, film stars, and literary voices. We have seen open letters by Hollywood, the music industry and Sally Rooney.

They are the compliant, applause-hungry pushers of this mass indoctrination. By nature of their ilk, "culture" vultures are weak people, susceptible to influence. These voices are not brave as they would urge you to believe; they are leading "culture" off a suicidal cliff, just like the cultural elite of late 1970s Iran. I was blacklisted because "culture" had to be shed of its dissenters. "Culture" had to be gutted of its refuseniks, of its revolutionaries to-be. That is why I was banished.

My contributions to "culture" were too free, too opinionated, too honest, and frankly too good. The "culture" leaders of the Free Palestine, Free Maduro, anti-American, anti-Trump, anti-Israel, Iran-ignorant movement are not punks. They are slaves. They are puppets. Their fate is already sealed. They will be the first to be slaughtered.

We however will be the phoenix rising.

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